DIVINITIES OF SECOND ORDER Ifá A Brief Introduction to Ifá Ifá not only is the deepest form of divination in the religion, it is the highest expression of La Regla Lucumí. Contained within Ifá is the sum total of the knowledge and wisdom of the ancients, the sum total of existence, as well as the divine wisdom of Olodumare and the orishas. And every event in the universe and in our lives that has happened, is happening or will happen is contained within its scope. carry the full weight of Olodumare in person. Orunmila is the orisha of wisdom and his priests, called babalawos or Orunmila, as the deity of Ifá is most commonly known, is the secretary of Olodumare. Therefore the words of Ifá "Father of Secrets" are the highest priests in the religion. Orunmila is even privy to the secret of the creation of the universe as Olodumare allowed him to be a witness to creation, hence his title of Eleri Ipin or "Witness to Destiny in its Creation". He also bears witness every time one of us goes to the feet of Olodumare to choose the destiny that we will follow on earth. The babalawo has two sets of tools to practice this divination: the opele or ocuele and the opón Ifá or Table of Ifá proper. The opele is a chain separated by 8 small disks. Of these two, the opele is most commonly used for seeing people with Ifá, the Table of Ifá usually being reserved for truly big things such as finding out a person's guardian orisha, the itá during the initiations of abo faca and kofá (see below), or when a person is in a situation beyond the facility of the opele. When a person is seen with Ifá, one of 256 or signs will be seen to be accompanying the person. Each of these 256 odu has its own or ancient histories, its own suyeres or prayers, and 16 paths which this odu can take. This adds up to a staggering 4,096 odus and paths that a babalawo must learn and memorize. Of course, no babalawo can learn it all as no babalawo can know as much as Orunmila himself, but all babalawos must devote themselves to learning prodigious amounts of knowledge pertaining to these odus. This is one of the reasons there are so few babalawos. In Ifá there are two initiations: receiving kofá for women and abo faca for men, and making Ifá, the initiation where a person becomes initiated as a babalawo. Though the initiations of abo faca and kofá are similar there are differences between the two that cannot be gone into here, but essentially women are the seniors in Ifá until the man makes Ifá, if that is their calling. Only men can make Ifá, and they can not have ever been ridden or possessed by eggun or by an orisha. Gays also are not able to follow this particular path. Actually very few people are called to Ifá and of those very few actually become initiated as babalawos. One reason is the responsibilities and intensive learning involved as there is no such thing as a dilettante or part-time babalawo. Also, the initiation is very expensive and is a much harder one to pass through than that of making Ocha and even includes several severe beatings with sticks, which is the only part of the initiation that is public. Iború Iboya Iboshishé Odu Ifá Odu. The term is virtually all encompassing in Ifá. Odu is at once a deity and the term we use for the letters or signs that come up when we perform divination. Here we will focus more on the second definition. There are 256 odu. Each can be regarded as a living entity with a personality and certain attributes. Each odu is also a complex creature having a number of separate caminos or paths that it can take. When a person is seen with Ifá, the first operation is to find which odu is accompanying the person at that time. This odu will define what path they are on, what sort of situations they are facing and what can be done for them to achieve balance and to improve their life. When an odu accompanies a person, the person takes on many of the attributes of the entity that is the odu. For instance, let's say a person comes to be seen with Ifá. It is found that the odu Ogundá-Sá accompanies her. She is told the In this case she will be told that she is encountering or will encounter a situation where she will be tempted to fight with others over some 'prize' or 'out of principle'. She will also be advised not to be lured into a fight such as this and that she must instead find a solution that will be equitable to all involved. Otherwise she may be in danger of not only losing the 'prize' but that the fight could even lead to serious trouble. In fact, she could end up placing her life in danger. In this way, her life is likely to take one of the two paths described in this Odu. Ifá may tell her that she may need to make an or sacrifice to aid her in this crisis. For instance, she may be told that she needs have her head cleansed and strengthened in order to giver the clarity, tranquility and strength of character to meet the situation without losing her temper and finding herself in trouble. When a person makes Ocha or Ifá (becomes initiated as a priest, priestess or babalawo), they are born with an odu. In other words, deep divination is done to ascertain what the person's odu is. The odu with which a person is given birth to in the religion accompanies them for life and defines how their life will unfold. What is a Patakí? Patakís or itás are the repositories of the oral tradition in our religion. They are the sum total of the wealth of wisdom left to us by our ancestors. Most often, they are the stories or myths that accompany the odu (letters or signs) that arise in divination, each letter having several Patakís that orient the practioner and the person coming to be 'seen' with the shells or Ifá. These stories depict how that particular odu operates and gives an example of how it might affect the person who has come to be 'seen'. The Patakí also tells the person what they need to do under the circumstances of that particular Odu. The Patakís also serve as sacred precedents, one sometimes hearing that a certain ritual act, attitude or view 'has odu', meaning that it is upheld by tradition as shown in a Patakí. One last note. The Patakís often have several meanings and it is only with time that a person develops a deep understanding of these 'receptacles of wisdom' contained within the odu. http://www.lasculturas.com African Mythology : LEGBA known as ESHU LEGBA: Trickster God of Language and Destiny. He appears as a shabby old man, but he's really very clever and cunning. He knows all the languages of the world and is also fluent in the Cosmic Tongue (does that mean Esperanto?). If you need to get a message to the Gods, he's the one to go for. But he's not very reliable - he likes nothing better than to confuse. Not only that, but as he gets older, garbled messages and confusion have a tendency to creep in. LEGBA is known as ESHU among the Yoruba, where he does much the same thing but with more up-to-date technology. He also makes a guest appearance in certain Voodoo circles. LEGBA LEGBA, Elegba, Elegua, Eleggua, Eleggùa, Elegguá, Ellegua, Exu, Eshu (Afro-Caribbean/Afro-Brazilian) Trickster god, messenger of and spokesman for the other orishas. Legba is the keeper of the crossroads between the worlds, the messenger between human and divine worlds. He understands all languages, acts as an interpreter for the gods. Legba is always the first god honored in every ritual because he opens the door to the spirit world. It is only through him that the other orishas can be contacted. Legba unifies opposites, enables communication between worlds: male and female, human and divine, older and younger generations, the living and the dead, the sacred and the secular, the universe and its origin. His nature is both generous and cruel. Kafou Legba is his dark aspect, the malevolent trickster who diverts humans from their true paths. Legba originated in Dahomney, where he was considered an evil god who must be propitiated to keep him away and avert harm. Clay figures used to represent him were offered food and sacrifices. Yorubans saw him differently, as the trickster who teaches valuable lessons. In the New World Legba was syncretized with St. Peter, the Guardian Angel, the Devil, St. Martin and St. Anthony. RULES: roads, crossroads, doors, mirrors, travelers, contradictions, opportunities, primordial light, the daytime sun as it travels across the sky TITLE: Opener of the Way - Lord of the Road - Papa Legba - Kafou Legba PLANET: Mercury - Sun (Legba) - Moon (Kafou Legba) ELEMENT: Fire (Exu) ZODIAC: Gemini SYMBOL: cross - moon (Kafou Legba) TOOL: baton Legba COLOR: black and red - black and white GEOGRAPHY: Dahomney, West Africa DEPICTED: as a feeble, shabbily dressed old man with a cane, staff, or crutch - with a rooster FEAST: March 18 March 19: Legba Zaou, when he is offered a black goat November 1: bonfires are lit in his honor, for the new year FOR: protection - magic - healing - communication - permission - mediation - regeneration - creative power - spirit work - reaching heights - pushing the envelope - opening a way for seekers - protecting the home and small children - choosing the right direction when you reach a crossroads in life OFFERING: Offerings, made on Mondays and on the third of every month, include candy, smoked foods, black goats, green bananas, toys, rice, cassava, molasses, candles, rum, roosters, chickens and cigars. WORSHIP: Altars to Legba are usually erected indoors, near the entrance of the home. Alongside Mawu’s sons, one finds other Vodun(s) that are protectors of equally important clans. These are the Toxwyo: eponymous deified ancestors. They maintain a link between the invisible world and human beings in their daily lives. From the above, we can classify the Vodun(s) as follows: · Inter-ethnic Vodun(s) linked to natural phenomena: Jivodun: Xêvioso; Ayivodun: Sakpata; Tovodun: Agbe. · Inter-ethnic Vodun(s) linked to historical-mythical persons: Lêgba, Gu. · Ethnic Vodun(s): Akovodun (Agasu for the Houégbajavi of Abomey). The Toxwyo are in this category. · Modern Vodun(s): These Vodun(s) are mainly from Ghana. They are Goro who protects against witchcraft, and Koku, the Vodun of the occult powers of violence. After these investigations, it seems important to ask the question: so what exactly is Vodun? It can be said that the Vodun(s) constitute a special class of Mawu’s living creatures. They are above mankind, but they are not "God". Let us recognise, together with Fr. Barthélemy Adoukonou and all the others, that defining Vodun is not an easy task, even for Vodun adepts. Fon expressions like: "Vodun gongon", "Vodun d’ablu" (Vodun is deep, Vodun is obscure) say it all. This is why, as Mgr. Robert Sastre said, we must refer to the social and cultural context which gives rise to Vodun in order to grasp what Vodun really is. HÔHÔ-Ibeji In Yoruba tradition Ibejis--twins--are a category of children quite apart from others. Ibejis are thought to have special powers to bring good or bad fortune, and for this reason they are catered to in a way that other children are not. Parents do everything possible to please twins, responding to whims and wants which if expressed by other children would be ignored. It is felt that if they should fail to do so the Ibejis might be disheartened or angered, in consequence of which misfortune rather than good fortune could come to the family. In particular, the Orisa Ibeji, the protector of twins, might punish the parents by causing sickness or death to come, or crops to fail, or other disasters to fall upon the household. Yet the arrival of twins is always welcomed because of their power to better the lot of the parents. As is stated in the praise song with which this story begins, Ibejis are believed to be special patrons of the poor. Various other praise songs emphasize the importance of treating Ibejis well. The Orisa Ibeji is worshipped or supplicated only by parents who have twin children, but he is widely respected by others because of his readiness to punish anyone who slights or abuses twins. If a mother takes her twin infants to the marketplace (sometimes accompanied by a drummer who sings praise songs) and solicits gifts for them, people are likely to give something lest the Orisha Ibeji become offended. The desires of infant ibejis are sometimes learned through consultations with a Babalawo, or diviner. Ibejis may want their mother to beg in the market, to dance in public, or to give parties for them. The mother will fulfill such wishes as a matter of course. The Ibeji society is widely believed to have begun at Ishokun, now merged with Oyo. Numerous accounts say it was to a home in this town that the monkeys sent the first twins. Some versions say the mother was the wife of a poor farmer, while others say she was the wife of the Oba, or town chief, who ruled Ishokun. But the totemic relationship of twins to monkeys is usually indicated. Some of the praise names or nicknames of twins are references to monkeys-- Edun, for example, meaning monkey, and Adanju-kale, meaning Glittering-Eyes-in-the-House. Some variant Yoruba explanations of twins, however, make no reference to monkeys, and may reflect traditions and attitudes of cultural groups outside the Yoruba area, or possibly some regional, perhaps rustic, traditions among the Yorubas themselves. Among the Iyagba Yorubas, on the northern fringe of the Yoruba area, it is said that the first twins came as a result of competition between two wives of a certain oba. Neither the iyale (the senior wife) nor the iyawo (the junior wife) had given birth to a male child. Both recognized that whichever of them could produce a male heir for the oba would have an enhanced position in the household. So they went regularly to a certain shrine and supplicated the Orishas for boy children. One day the iyale would go to the shrine, the following day the iyawo. Through their supplications the two wives became pregnant and produced male children at about the same time. But the Orisas were particularly sympathetic to the younger wife because she was badly treated by the older wife. And so they gave her male twins, which was understood by the Oba to be a sign of heavenly favor for her. The iyawo's status in the household thereby became enhanced. While among the Yorubas twins are generally regarded as good fortune, among some other West African cultures twins were once considered to be omens of ill fortune. One Yoruba tale reflects this contrary interpretation. It tells of a certain Orisha-oba who suspects one of his wives of stealing his cowries. he lines them up and forces them to "draw straws, " by which process he discovers the guilty one. This wife subsequently gives birth to twins as punishment for her crime. Though twins began, according to some renditions of the dominant legend given here, as abikus--children who die and come back again and again to torment their parents the connection seems to have become vague and uncertain. Whether there was a higher mortality rate among twins than among nontwins--as would seem likely--there is no way of knowing. But the existence of an enormous number of Ibeji carvings, some double, some single must mean something about the infant mortality rate in general. For the ibeji figures are records of twin children who died at an early age. These carvings form one of the most prolific categories of Yoruba wood sculpture. Each Ibeji carving represents a twin child, but it is more than a record or representation. It is considered a repository or home of a twin spirit, the object through which communication with a dead twin is achieved. If a twin dies in infancy the parents have an Ibeji figure carved to "replace" it. If both twins die a set of two carvings is made. The carvings are not portraits. Except for sexual characteristics--and sometimes tribal marks or hairstyling --all the figures made by a particular carver are quite similar. If a family has some special distinction or attribute, some small variant may be indicated in the carvings. With few exceptions, the dead twins are conceived by the carver (and therefore by others) as adults, with adult sexual development and adult features. carvings made in a particular community by various sculptors tend to have a common style, and by its style the origin of a carving can frequently be established. The Ibeji carvings are treated as though they were living. If one of the infant twins is dead the mother carries its wooden representation wherever she carries the living survivor. When she feeds the living twin she also puts the spoon to the mouth of the carving. If both twins are dead the mother tends both carvings. She may give a party for dead twins just as she would have if they were living, inviting children to come and enjoy refreshments and play games. Dead twins are not referred to as having died, but as having gone to another place, perhaps to a thriving commercial center somewhere from which place they will send money or other good fortune to their parents. The continuing necessity for pleasing the Ibejis, whether living or dead, and for placating the Orisha who is their guardian can be and usually is costly. But the expenditures of effort and money are weighed against the harm that displeased Ibejis can do and the good luck that satisfied Ibejis can bring. Out of this endless pursuit of the goodwill of twins comes the Yoruba saying, "Dead Ibeji expenses are expenses for the living." (Insert by Harold Courlander) HÔHÔ-Ibeji Custom in Yorubaland by TIMOTHY MOBOLADE When the following piece was sent to us it attracted considerable interest. Unlike most of our articles this was not the work of a distinguished scholar shored up with all the apparatus of his discipline, it was a deeply felt and warm discussion by a young Yoruba boy of what the ibeji figures meant to him and the important part that they played in his young world. Set against the previous essay by Dr. Thompson it makes a most piquant comparison: the outer and inner visions as it were. The first essay exemplifies interpretation through intellectual analysis and study, the second that precious appreciation that rests solely upon the urgently shared cultural experience of a people. In spite of the relative youth of this contributor the essay is an intelligent and accurate presentation that adds much to our knowledge of the ibeji cult, yet adds too a note of human warmth that can only be found when a writer, no matter what his age, draws upon the richness of his personal memory. Yorubas worship ibeji as a god. This god is portrayed by two wooden figures. This happens because the two figures represent the two twin children traditionally known as Taiyewo and Kehinde. The ibeji god is given sacrifices of beans and vegetable soup. The twins' parents make sacrifices to the ibeji god at least until the mother gives birth to another baby after delivery of the ibejis. This other child is known as Idowu, otherwise referred to as esu lehin ibeji, (trickster behind twins) because the Idowus are usually very difficult children. Traditionally, the Yorubas regard ibejis as divine children who are capable of bringing affluence to either or both of their parents or impoverishing them according to how well they are treated. The ibeji children are usually not interested in their parents' occupation. However, at times, they may influence the parents' choice. This is especially true of the ibeji mothers. When the parents go to a fetish priest to inquire about the sickness of the children it is the mother who must yield to the occupational preference of her children in order to aid in their cure. Often instead of introducing an entirely new occupation to their mother, the ibejis add one or two other small occupations to the already existing main one, such as the hawking of red palm-oil, the selling of salt, beans, etc. Often the ibeji may tell its mother to dance about begging for almsl This type of ibeji is known as "Onijo," that is "dancers," although the ibejis do not dance themselves. One schoolmistress near our house resorted to begging for alms because that was the preference of her children! If the mother fails to accomplish the ibejis' wish, the result might be permanent sickness of the twins or their ultimate death, which is, of course, terribly painful to the mother. Also, the mother may fall sick and eventually die. The ibeji children are rather festive. And so every week, fortnightly or monthly the twins' mother makes a feast for her children. This is a sacrifice to the ibeji god This sacrifice is offered with some of the following foods: beans, red palm-oil, vegetables, pumpkins, sugarcane, cake and ekuru. All are welcome in this sacrificial feast, especially die neighboring children. In hard times, the ibeji give their parents money through their supernatural power. The mother may either find the money on a footpath, by the roadside, or on her bed. It is possible that one of the twin-children may give her the money face to face. There is one ibeji who gave her mother one shilling at dawn when she realised that the mother was penniless. Two days later, as the mother was going out at about 6:30 in the morning, she found a one pound currency note on the footpath in front of her door. How thankful the mother was to her three-year-old twin girll This is an example of the super-natural power which makes a god of twin-bom children. Ibeji children are not referred to as being dead by their parents. Instead, they are said to have gone to a commercial town to bring wealth home for their parents. Usually when one of the twins dies, the deceased is said to have gone to Lagos to bring clothes for the surviving twin and the parents. Perhaps this is to dissuade the survivor from going to meet its twin in death. It is customarily believed that an ibeji child is as powerful when it is dead as it was when alive; therefore, the Yorubas carve figures to represent either of die two that is dead or both if each is dead. If die dead one was a male twin, die figure would contain all die parts of a male being; so also if it was a female. On many occasions when die two twins are said to have "journeyed to Lagos," two images of die ibejis would be carved showing their masculine or feminine features. When the ibejis are living, statues of them are not carved, for the essence of the carvings lies only in vindicating their memory when they have suffered death as infants, and in invoking their spirit for blessing. Therefore, periodically, as the mother was accustomed to doing when the ibefi children were alive, she makes a sacrifice in the form of a feast. The party, consisting mainly of small children, is seated in a circle and given many foodstuffs to eat. There are beans and palm oil with efo (vegetable) soup, sugarcane, pumpkins and akara (cake). The latter two are also prepared with beans. Before the young guests commence eating, the ibeji mother sits with all of the food in front of her. The ibeji figures with their clothes on are also placed before her. As the children start on the food, the ibefi mother rubs a little of each kind of food on the lips of the ibeji carvings. As she does this, she addresses the mute "children" as if they were alive. She also chants a few of the special lullabies for ibejis, gracefully caressing the figures as though they were truly her lost children. Many of the verses consist of wordings which, if the dead could hear them, would almost wake them from their long, long rest. The hairs on the listeners' heads even stand on end as the mother lauds the wooden children. I hope to give birth to one. Two finally descended on me. Bless me so that I might follow you home. Escort me so that I might leave you alone. Friend of etektsa, cousin of the prosperous. If one of the ibejis remains alive, the image of the dead one is carved. All its natural features: its general appearance and sex are represented in the completed figure. Even the dead theft's tribal marks (if he had any when alive) would be included. The result is a miniature of the dead twin child. As in the case of two ibeji figures, the mother offers a sacrifice to the dead twin child although the other one is still alive. During this sacrifice, the mother brings out the image of the dead twin. Whatever the living twin wears is also worn by the image of the dead one. As the living twin eats, the mother rubs the stew and other food on the lips of the image. She then gently caresses the animate and the inanimate children in her arms as she sings their praises in heartmoving choruses. After the feast, the ibeji figure or the two figures (if the twin children are both dead) are sometimes moved into the shrine of the god which the parents worship, e.g. die Shango shrine. It may, on the other hand, be kept in the room of the mother. This is more common, for if Taiyewo is dead, and Kehinde then falls ill, the mother will bring out Taiyewo's image and coax Kehinde in the name of Taiyewo. Thus, it is hoped that the living twin, Kehinde, will quickly recover. In the event that both Taiyewo and Kehinde are no longer living, and the mother falls ill, the mother would then offer a sacrifice, bring the images out, and invoke their spirit to give her a quick recovery. And she would speedily recover! If the two dead ibeji children had ordered their mother to beg for alms before they "left for Lagos," the mother would continue after their death. She would put one of the two figures on her back and the other one on her chest as she danced about for alms. If one of the twins is alive, she would mount the living one on her back and the image of the dead twin on her chest. A particular woman here in Ibadan hawks about for alms with an ibeji figure on her chest and the living twin child on her back. The ibeji figures are actively worshipped if, after the twins' death, ill-fortune befalls either or both of the parents. Such ill-fortune might be: (1) stoppage of the mother's menstruation, (2) miscarriage during pregnancy, (3) unusually long period of pregnancy, (4) infant mortality, (5) sudden poverty, (6) destruction of property by such things as white ants, (7) persistent sickness of either of the parents. In order to cure or prevent what may result from the twins' indignation because of the improper care given to them by their parents, the ibejis are usually well brought up and deified by their parents. If the father neglects the mother and feels no worry about the welfare of die twins, the father will suffer; so also for the mother who fails to succour her husband for die necessary care of die children. It is widely assumed that die food liked best by ibeji children is that prepared with beans and red palm-oil (ewa or tunpulu), and ekuru which is also made with beans. It is believed that die ibejis want those who have abundant supplies of such foods to be their parents. As parents want their ibejis to live, the mother usually takes to trading in beans and palm-oil. No wonder that those who sell these stuffs or those who have diem in abundance are not afraid of welcoming die delivery of twin children, for they have enough to satisfy die ibejis. It is thus not unusual for many people to swagger- ingly sing: There is palm-oil, there are beans. I am not therefore afraid—oniye. I am not therefore afraid of giving birth to twins. There is palm-oil, diere are beans. The Yorubas were (and many still are) worshippers of die traditional gods. It is therefore not surprising to see that die deification of ibejis is universally acknowledged throughout Yorubaland. Legend tells us that ibeji parents used to assem¬ble in a town near Badagry where an ibeji shrine was situated It is believed that die ibeji god and its worship orig¬inated there. In this town, die visitors (ibeji parents) would offer sacrifices to die ibeji god. Energetic dancing and singing would then ensue. I shall celebrate, I shall celebrate die festival with die god of twins. Be favorable, be favorable Taiyewo be favorable, Kehinde be favorable quickly. Be favorable, be favorable. But die outcrop of modern civilization in die shape of Islam, Christianity and more especially education is doing much to gradually abate this belief of many Yoruba people. Yet striking occurrences and careful reasoning have unmistakably proven, in many cases, that twin-born children in Yorubaland are special children enveloped and sealed with supernatural power and mystery. http://www.angelfire.com http://www.cultural-expressions.com West Africa coastal Vodun and their functions Dahomean Vodou Yoruba General Function Mawu Olodumare High God Afa Orunmila Voice of God Legba Eshu Messenger for Gods* Da Obatala Owner of White Cloth Hoelousou Da Oduduwa Consort of Da/Obatala Egu/Gu Ogun God of Iron and War Heviosso Shango Thunder God *Mami Wata Oshun, Olokun, Yemoja Water Gods Aveji Da Oya Wind God Sakpata Babaluaiye Earth God/healing/disease Age Osanyin God of Herbs/hunter Dan Sissinnon Aganu Fire Spirit Ancestral Root Gods and Goro Vodun, Thron (Atikevodoun) Healing Vodun of Ghana and Togo Papa Kunde Nana Ablewa Sunia Compo Sacra Bode Banguele Ketetse Nana Wango Kadzanka Allah Hohovi Gede Banguele ancestral parental Vodun Nuseuwex (Loko) Adjkapta Toxhosou
DIVINITIES OF SECOND ORDER
Ifá A Brief Introduction to Ifá
Ifá not only is the deepest form of divination in the religion, it is the highest expression of La Regla Lucumí. Contained within Ifá is the sum total of the knowledge and wisdom of the ancients, the sum total of existence, as well as the divine wisdom of Olodumare and the orishas. And every event in the universe and in our lives that has happened, is happening or will happen is contained within its scope.
carry the full weight of Olodumare in person. Orunmila is the orisha of wisdom and his priests, called babalawos or Orunmila, as the deity of Ifá is most commonly known, is the secretary of Olodumare. Therefore the words of Ifá "Father of Secrets" are the highest priests in the religion.
Orunmila is even privy to the secret of the creation of the universe as Olodumare allowed him to be a witness to creation, hence his title of Eleri Ipin or "Witness to Destiny in its Creation". He also bears witness every time one of us goes to the feet of Olodumare to choose the destiny that we will follow on earth.
The babalawo has two sets of tools to practice this divination: the opele or ocuele and the opón Ifá or Table of Ifá proper. The opele is a chain separated by 8 small disks. Of these two, the opele is most commonly used for seeing people with Ifá, the Table of Ifá usually being reserved for truly big things such as finding out a person's guardian orisha, the itá during the initiations of abo faca and kofá (see below), or when a person is in a situation beyond the facility of the opele.
When a person is seen with Ifá, one of 256 or signs will be seen to be accompanying the person. Each of these 256 odu has its own or ancient histories, its own suyeres or prayers, and 16 paths which this odu can take. This adds up to a staggering 4,096 odus and paths that a babalawo must learn and memorize. Of course, no babalawo can learn it all as no babalawo can know as much as Orunmila himself, but all babalawos must devote themselves to learning prodigious amounts of knowledge pertaining to these odus. This is one of the reasons there are so few babalawos.
In Ifá there are two initiations: receiving kofá for women and abo faca for men, and making Ifá, the initiation where a person becomes initiated as a babalawo. Though the initiations of abo faca and kofá are similar there are differences between the two that cannot be gone into here, but essentially women are the seniors in Ifá until the man makes Ifá, if that is their calling. Only men can make Ifá, and they can not have ever been ridden or possessed by eggun or by an orisha. Gays also are not able to follow this particular path. Actually very few people are called to Ifá and of those very few actually become initiated as babalawos. One reason is the responsibilities and intensive learning involved as there is no such thing as a dilettante or part-time babalawo. Also, the initiation is very expensive and is a much harder one to pass through than that of making Ocha and even includes several severe beatings with sticks, which is the only part of the initiation that is public.
Iború Iboya Iboshishé
Odu Ifá
Odu. The term is virtually all encompassing in Ifá. Odu is at once a deity and the term we use for the letters or signs that come up when we perform divination. Here we will focus more on the second definition.
There are 256 odu. Each can be regarded as a living entity with a personality and certain attributes. Each odu is also a complex creature having a number of separate caminos or paths that it can take.
When a person is seen with Ifá, the first operation is to find which odu is accompanying the person at that time. This odu will define what path they are on, what sort of situations they are facing and what can be done for them to achieve balance and to improve their life.
When an odu accompanies a person, the person takes on many of the attributes of the entity that is the odu. For instance, let's say a person comes to be seen with Ifá. It is found that the odu Ogundá-Sá accompanies her. She is told the In this case she will be told that she is encountering or will encounter a situation where she will be tempted to fight with others over some 'prize' or 'out of principle'. She will also be advised not to be lured into a fight such as this and that she must instead find a solution that will be equitable to all involved. Otherwise she may be in danger of not only losing the 'prize' but that the fight could even lead to serious trouble. In fact, she could end up placing her life in danger. In this way, her life is likely to take one of the two paths described in this Odu. Ifá may tell her that she may need to make an or sacrifice to aid her in this crisis. For instance, she may be told that she needs have her head cleansed and strengthened in order to giver the clarity, tranquility and strength of character to meet the situation without losing her temper and finding herself in trouble.
When a person makes Ocha or Ifá (becomes initiated as a priest, priestess or babalawo), they are born with an odu. In other words, deep divination is done to ascertain what the person's odu is. The odu with which a person is given birth to in the religion accompanies them for life and defines how their life will unfold.
What is a Patakí?
Patakís or itás are the repositories of the oral tradition in our religion. They are the sum total of the wealth of wisdom left to us by our ancestors. Most often, they are the stories or myths that accompany the odu (letters or signs) that arise in divination, each letter having several Patakís that orient the practioner and the person coming to be 'seen' with the shells or Ifá. These stories depict how that particular odu operates and gives an example of how it might affect the person who has come to be 'seen'. The Patakí also tells the person what they need to do under the circumstances of that particular Odu.
The Patakís also serve as sacred precedents, one sometimes hearing that a certain ritual act, attitude or view 'has odu', meaning that it is upheld by tradition as shown in a Patakí.
One last note. The Patakís often have several meanings and it is only with time that a person develops a deep understanding of these 'receptacles of wisdom' contained within the odu.
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African Mythology : LEGBA known as ESHU
LEGBA: Trickster God of Language and Destiny. He appears as a shabby old man, but he's really very clever and cunning. He knows all the languages of the world and is also fluent in the Cosmic Tongue (does that mean Esperanto?). If you need to get a message to the Gods, he's the one to go for. But he's not very reliable - he likes nothing better than to confuse. Not only that, but as he gets older, garbled messages and confusion have a tendency to creep in. LEGBA is known as ESHU among the Yoruba, where he does much the same thing but with more up-to-date technology. He also makes a guest appearance in certain Voodoo circles.
LEGBA
LEGBA, Elegba, Elegua, Eleggua, Eleggùa, Elegguá, Ellegua, Exu, Eshu
(Afro-Caribbean/Afro-Brazilian) Trickster god, messenger of and spokesman for the other orishas. Legba is the keeper of the crossroads between the worlds, the messenger between human and divine worlds. He understands all languages, acts as an interpreter for the gods. Legba is always the first god honored in every ritual because he opens the door to the spirit world. It is only through him that the other orishas can be contacted. Legba unifies opposites, enables communication between worlds: male and female, human and divine, older and younger generations, the living and the dead, the sacred and the secular, the universe and its origin. His nature is both generous and cruel. Kafou Legba is his dark aspect, the malevolent trickster who diverts humans from their true paths. Legba originated in Dahomney, where he was considered an evil god who must be propitiated to keep him away and avert harm. Clay figures used to represent him were offered food and sacrifices. Yorubans saw him differently, as the trickster who teaches valuable lessons. In the New World Legba was syncretized with St. Peter, the Guardian Angel, the Devil, St. Martin and St. Anthony.
RULES: roads, crossroads, doors, mirrors, travelers, contradictions, opportunities, primordial light, the daytime sun as it travels across the sky
TITLE: Opener of the Way - Lord of the Road - Papa Legba - Kafou Legba
PLANET: Mercury - Sun (Legba) - Moon (Kafou Legba) ELEMENT: Fire (Exu) ZODIAC: Gemini SYMBOL: cross - moon (Kafou Legba) TOOL: baton Legba COLOR: black and red - black and white GEOGRAPHY: Dahomney, West Africa DEPICTED: as a feeble, shabbily dressed old man with a cane, staff, or crutch - with a rooster
FEAST: March 18 March 19: Legba Zaou, when he is offered a black goat November 1: bonfires are lit in his honor, for the new year
FOR: protection - magic - healing - communication - permission - mediation - regeneration - creative power - spirit work - reaching heights - pushing the envelope - opening a way for seekers - protecting the home and small children - choosing the right direction when you reach a crossroads in life
OFFERING: Offerings, made on Mondays and on the third of every month, include candy, smoked foods, black goats, green bananas, toys, rice, cassava, molasses, candles, rum, roosters, chickens and cigars.
WORSHIP: Altars to Legba are usually erected indoors, near the entrance of the home.
Alongside Mawu’s sons, one finds other Vodun(s) that are protectors of equally important clans. These are the Toxwyo: eponymous deified ancestors. They maintain a link between the invisible world and human beings in their daily lives.
From the above, we can classify the Vodun(s) as follows:
· Inter-ethnic Vodun(s) linked to natural phenomena: Jivodun: Xêvioso; Ayivodun: Sakpata; Tovodun: Agbe.
· Inter-ethnic Vodun(s) linked to historical-mythical persons: Lêgba, Gu.
· Ethnic Vodun(s): Akovodun (Agasu for the Houégbajavi of Abomey). The Toxwyo are in this category.
· Modern Vodun(s): These Vodun(s) are mainly from Ghana. They are Goro who protects against witchcraft, and Koku, the Vodun of the occult powers of violence.
After these investigations, it seems important to ask the question: so what exactly is Vodun?
It can be said that the Vodun(s) constitute a special class of Mawu’s living creatures. They are above mankind, but they are not "God". Let us recognise, together with Fr. Barthélemy Adoukonou and all the others, that defining Vodun is not an easy task, even for Vodun adepts. Fon expressions like: "Vodun gongon", "Vodun d’ablu" (Vodun is deep, Vodun is obscure) say it all. This is why, as Mgr. Robert Sastre said, we must refer to the social and cultural context which gives rise to Vodun in order to grasp what Vodun really is.
In Yoruba tradition Ibejis--twins--are a category of children quite apart from others. Ibejis are thought to have special powers to bring good or bad fortune, and for this reason they are catered to in a way that other children are not. Parents do everything possible to please twins, responding to whims and wants which if expressed by other children would be ignored. It is felt that if they should fail to do so the Ibejis might be disheartened or angered, in consequence of which misfortune rather than good fortune could come to the family. In particular, the Orisa Ibeji, the protector of twins, might punish the parents by causing sickness or death to come, or crops to fail, or other disasters to fall upon the household. Yet the arrival of twins is always welcomed because of their power to better the lot of the parents. As is stated in the praise song with which this story begins, Ibejis are believed to be special patrons of the poor. Various other praise songs emphasize the importance of treating Ibejis well.
The Orisa Ibeji is worshipped or supplicated only by parents who have twin children, but he is widely respected by others because of his readiness to punish anyone who slights or abuses twins. If a mother takes her twin infants to the marketplace (sometimes accompanied by a drummer who sings praise songs) and solicits gifts for them, people are likely to give something lest the Orisha Ibeji become offended. The desires of infant ibejis are sometimes learned through consultations with a Babalawo, or diviner. Ibejis may want their mother to beg in the market, to dance in public, or to give parties for them. The mother will fulfill such wishes as a matter of course. The Ibeji society is widely believed to have begun at Ishokun, now merged with Oyo. Numerous accounts say it was to a home in this town that the monkeys sent the first twins. Some versions say the mother was the wife of a poor farmer, while others say she was the wife of the Oba, or town chief, who ruled Ishokun. But the totemic relationship of twins to monkeys is usually indicated. Some of the praise names or nicknames of twins are references to monkeys-- Edun, for example, meaning monkey, and Adanju-kale, meaning Glittering-Eyes-in-the-House.
Some variant Yoruba explanations of twins, however, make no reference to monkeys, and may reflect traditions and attitudes of cultural groups outside the Yoruba area, or possibly some regional, perhaps rustic, traditions among the Yorubas themselves. Among the Iyagba Yorubas, on the northern fringe of the Yoruba area, it is said that the first twins came as a result of competition between two wives of a certain oba. Neither the iyale (the senior wife) nor the iyawo (the junior wife) had given birth to a male child. Both recognized that whichever of them could produce a male heir for the oba would have an enhanced position in the household. So they went regularly to a certain shrine and supplicated the Orishas for boy children. One day the iyale would go to the shrine, the following day the iyawo. Through their supplications the two wives became pregnant and produced male children at about the same time. But the Orisas were particularly sympathetic to the younger wife because she was badly treated by the older wife. And so they gave her male twins, which was understood by the Oba to be a sign of heavenly favor for her. The iyawo's status in the household thereby became enhanced.
While among the Yorubas twins are generally regarded as good fortune, among some other West African cultures twins were once considered to be omens of ill fortune. One Yoruba tale reflects this contrary interpretation. It tells of a certain Orisha-oba who suspects one of his wives of stealing his cowries. he lines them up and forces them to "draw straws, " by which process he discovers the guilty one. This wife subsequently gives birth to twins as punishment for her crime.
Though twins began, according to some renditions of the dominant legend given here, as abikus--children who die and come back again and again to torment their parents the connection seems to have become vague and uncertain. Whether there was a higher mortality rate among twins than among nontwins--as would seem likely--there is no way of knowing. But the existence of an enormous number of Ibeji carvings, some double, some single must mean something about the infant mortality rate in general. For the ibeji figures are records of twin children who died at an early age. These carvings form one of the most prolific categories of Yoruba wood sculpture.
Each Ibeji carving represents a twin child, but it is more than a record or representation. It is considered a repository or home of a twin spirit, the object through which communication with a dead twin is achieved. If a twin dies in infancy the parents have an Ibeji figure carved to "replace" it. If both twins die a set of two carvings is made. The carvings are not portraits. Except for sexual characteristics--and sometimes tribal marks or hairstyling --all the figures made by a particular carver are quite similar. If a family has some special distinction or attribute, some small variant may be indicated in the carvings. With few exceptions, the dead twins are conceived by the carver (and therefore by others) as adults, with adult sexual development and adult features. carvings made in a particular community by various sculptors tend to have a common style, and by its style the origin of a carving can frequently be established.
The Ibeji carvings are treated as though they were living. If one of the infant twins is dead the mother carries its wooden representation wherever she carries the living survivor. When she feeds the living twin she also puts the spoon to the mouth of the carving. If both twins are dead the mother tends both carvings. She may give a party for dead twins just as she would have if they were living, inviting children to come and enjoy refreshments and play games. Dead twins are not referred to as having died, but as having gone to another place, perhaps to a thriving commercial center somewhere from which place they will send money or other good fortune to their parents.
The continuing necessity for pleasing the Ibejis, whether living or dead, and for placating the Orisha who is their guardian can be and usually is costly. But the expenditures of effort and money are weighed against the harm that displeased Ibejis can do and the good luck that satisfied Ibejis can bring. Out of this endless pursuit of the goodwill of twins comes the Yoruba saying, "Dead Ibeji expenses are expenses for the living." (Insert by Harold Courlander)
HÔHÔ-Ibeji Custom in Yorubaland by TIMOTHY MOBOLADE
When the following piece was sent to us it attracted considerable interest. Unlike most of our articles this was not the work of a distinguished scholar shored up with all the apparatus of his discipline, it was a deeply felt and warm discussion by a young Yoruba boy of what the ibeji figures meant to him and the important part that they played in his young world. Set against the previous essay by Dr. Thompson it makes a most piquant comparison: the outer and inner visions as it were. The first essay exemplifies interpretation through intellectual analysis and study, the second that precious appreciation that rests solely upon the urgently shared cultural experience of a people. In spite of the relative youth of this contributor the essay is an intelligent and accurate presentation that adds much to our knowledge of the ibeji cult, yet adds too a note of human warmth that can only be found when a writer, no matter what his age, draws upon the richness of his personal memory.
Yorubas worship ibeji as a god. This god is portrayed by two wooden figures. This happens because the two figures represent the two twin children traditionally known as Taiyewo and Kehinde. The ibeji god is given sacrifices of beans and vegetable soup. The twins' parents make sacrifices to the ibeji god at least until the mother gives birth to another baby after delivery of the ibejis. This other child is known as Idowu, otherwise referred to as esu lehin ibeji, (trickster behind twins) because the Idowus are usually very difficult children. Traditionally, the Yorubas regard ibejis as divine children who are capable of bringing affluence to either or both of their parents or impoverishing them according to how well they are treated. The ibeji children are usually not interested in their parents' occupation. However, at times, they may influence the parents' choice. This is especially true of the ibeji mothers. When the parents go to a fetish priest to inquire about the sickness of the children it is the mother who must yield to the occupational preference of her children in order to aid in their cure. Often instead of introducing an entirely new occupation to their mother, the ibejis add one or two other small occupations to the already existing main one, such as the hawking of red palm-oil, the selling of salt, beans, etc. Often the ibeji may tell its mother to dance about begging for almsl This type of ibeji is known as "Onijo," that is "dancers," although the ibejis do not dance themselves. One schoolmistress near our house resorted to begging for alms because that was the preference of her children! If the mother fails to accomplish the ibejis' wish, the result might be permanent sickness of the twins or their ultimate death, which is, of course, terribly painful to the mother. Also, the mother may fall sick and eventually die. The ibeji children are rather festive. And so every week, fortnightly or monthly the twins' mother makes a feast for her children. This is a sacrifice to the ibeji god This sacrifice is offered with some of the following foods: beans, red palm-oil, vegetables, pumpkins, sugarcane, cake and ekuru. All are welcome in this sacrificial feast, especially die neighboring children. In hard times, the ibeji give their parents money through their supernatural power. The mother may either find the money on a footpath, by the roadside, or on her bed. It is possible that one of the twin-children may give her the money face to face. There is one ibeji who gave her mother one shilling at dawn when she realised that the mother was penniless. Two days later, as the mother was going out at about 6:30 in the morning, she found a one pound currency note on the footpath in front of her door. How thankful the mother was to her three-year-old twin girll This is an example of the super-natural power which makes a god of twin-bom children. Ibeji children are not referred to as being dead by their parents. Instead, they are said to have gone to a commercial town to bring wealth home for their parents. Usually when one of the twins dies, the deceased is said to have gone to Lagos to bring clothes for the surviving twin and the parents. Perhaps this is to dissuade the survivor from going to meet its twin in death. It is customarily believed that an ibeji child is as powerful when it is dead as it was when alive; therefore, the Yorubas carve figures to represent either of die two that is dead or both if each is dead. If die dead one was a male twin, die figure would contain all die parts of a male being; so also if it was a female. On many occasions when die two twins are said to have "journeyed to Lagos," two images of die ibejis would be carved showing their masculine or feminine features. When the ibejis are living, statues of them are not carved, for the essence of the carvings lies only in vindicating their memory when they have suffered death as infants, and in invoking their spirit for blessing. Therefore, periodically, as the mother was accustomed to doing when the ibefi children were alive, she makes a sacrifice in the form of a feast. The party, consisting mainly of small children, is seated in a circle and given many foodstuffs to eat. There are beans and palm oil with efo (vegetable) soup, sugarcane, pumpkins and akara (cake). The latter two are also prepared with beans. Before the young guests commence eating, the ibeji mother sits with all of the food in front of her. The ibeji figures with their clothes on are also placed before her. As the children start on the food, the ibefi mother rubs a little of each kind of food on the lips of the ibeji carvings. As she does this, she addresses the mute "children" as if they were alive. She also chants a few of the special lullabies for ibejis, gracefully caressing the figures as though they were truly her lost children. Many of the verses consist of wordings which, if the dead could hear them, would almost wake them from their long, long rest. The hairs on the listeners' heads even stand on end as the mother lauds the wooden children. I hope to give birth to one. Two finally descended on me. Bless me so that I might follow you home. Escort me so that I might leave you alone. Friend of etektsa, cousin of the prosperous. If one of the ibejis remains alive, the image of the dead one is carved. All its natural features: its general appearance and sex are represented in the completed figure. Even the dead theft's tribal marks (if he had any when alive) would be included. The result is a miniature of the dead twin child. As in the case of two ibeji figures, the mother offers a sacrifice to the dead twin child although the other one is still alive. During this sacrifice, the mother brings out the image of the dead twin. Whatever the living twin wears is also worn by the image of the dead one. As the living twin eats, the mother rubs the stew and other food on the lips of the image. She then gently caresses the animate and the inanimate children in her arms as she sings their praises in heartmoving choruses. After the feast, the ibeji figure or the two figures (if the twin children are both dead) are sometimes moved into the shrine of the god which the parents worship, e.g. die Shango shrine. It may, on the other hand, be kept in the room of the mother. This is more common, for if Taiyewo is dead, and Kehinde then falls ill, the mother will bring out Taiyewo's image and coax Kehinde in the name of Taiyewo. Thus, it is hoped that the living twin, Kehinde, will quickly recover. In the event that both Taiyewo and Kehinde are no longer living, and the mother falls ill, the mother would then offer a sacrifice, bring the images out, and invoke their spirit to give her a quick recovery. And she would speedily recover! If the two dead ibeji children had ordered their mother to beg for alms before they "left for Lagos," the mother would continue after their death. She would put one of the two figures on her back and the other one on her chest as she danced about for alms. If one of the twins is alive, she would mount the living one on her back and the image of the dead twin on her chest. A particular woman here in Ibadan hawks about for alms with an ibeji figure on her chest and the living twin child on her back. The ibeji figures are actively worshipped if, after the twins' death, ill-fortune befalls either or both of the parents. Such ill-fortune might be: (1) stoppage of the mother's menstruation, (2) miscarriage during pregnancy, (3) unusually long period of pregnancy, (4) infant mortality, (5) sudden poverty, (6) destruction of property by such things as white ants, (7) persistent sickness of either of the parents. In order to cure or prevent what may result from the twins' indignation because of the improper care given to them by their parents, the ibejis are usually well brought up and deified by their parents. If the father neglects the mother and feels no worry about the welfare of die twins, the father will suffer; so also for the mother who fails to succour her husband for die necessary care of die children. It is widely assumed that die food liked best by ibeji children is that prepared with beans and red palm-oil (ewa or tunpulu), and ekuru which is also made with beans. It is believed that die ibejis want those who have abundant supplies of such foods to be their parents. As parents want their ibejis to live, the mother usually takes to trading in beans and palm-oil. No wonder that those who sell these stuffs or those who have diem in abundance are not afraid of welcoming die delivery of twin children, for they have enough to satisfy die ibejis. It is thus not unusual for many people to swagger- ingly sing: There is palm-oil, there are beans. I am not therefore afraid—oniye. I am not therefore afraid of giving birth to twins. There is palm-oil, diere are beans. The Yorubas were (and many still are) worshippers of die traditional gods. It is therefore not surprising to see that die deification of ibejis is universally acknowledged throughout Yorubaland. Legend tells us that ibeji parents used to assem¬ble in a town near Badagry where an ibeji shrine was situated It is believed that die ibeji god and its worship orig¬inated there. In this town, die visitors (ibeji parents) would offer sacrifices to die ibeji god. Energetic dancing and singing would then ensue. I shall celebrate, I shall celebrate die festival with die god of twins. Be favorable, be favorable Taiyewo be favorable, Kehinde be favorable quickly. Be favorable, be favorable. But die outcrop of modern civilization in die shape of Islam, Christianity and more especially education is doing much to gradually abate this belief of many Yoruba people. Yet striking occurrences and careful reasoning have unmistakably proven, in many cases, that twin-born children in Yorubaland are special children enveloped and sealed with supernatural power and mystery.
West Africa coastal Vodun and their functions
Dahomean Vodou
Yoruba
General Function
Mawu
Olodumare
High God
Afa
Orunmila
Voice of God
Legba
Eshu
Messenger for Gods*
Da
Obatala
Owner of White Cloth
Hoelousou Da
Oduduwa
Consort of Da/Obatala
Egu/Gu
Ogun
God of Iron and War
Heviosso
Shango
Thunder God
*Mami Wata
Oshun, Olokun, Yemoja
Water Gods
Aveji Da
Oya
Wind God
Sakpata
Babaluaiye
Earth God/healing/disease
Age
Osanyin
God of Herbs/hunter
Dan Sissinnon
Aganu
Fire Spirit
Ancestral Root Gods and Goro Vodun, Thron (Atikevodoun) Healing Vodun of Ghana and Togo
Papa Kunde
Nana Ablewa
Sunia Compo
Sacra Bode
Banguele Ketetse
Nana Wango
Kadzanka
Allah
Hohovi
Gede
Banguele
ancestral parental Vodun
Nuseuwex (Loko)
Adjkapta
Toxhosou
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